Another good reason not to shut down the SenateHouse passes parental notification bill 270-157 Kevin Smith on "Revenge of the Sith"Spoilers!
See - I told you Lucas wouldn't fuck this one up! :p Today's roundup: the Pope and Howard DeanTwo interesting articles this morning:
US NEWS reports on how different Howard Dean's style as DNC Chair is from his predecessor, Terry McAuliffe: McAuliffe would limo around town, dropping in at the Palm to huddle with Washington big shots. The 2004 presidential hopeful, by contrast, takes the bus or subway, buying his own $1.35 ticket. Sometimes he bums rides from staffers or walks the four blocks to the Capitol for meetings. "Please Call Me Howard" never flies first class and always carries his own bags. Also, TIME Magazine discusses - in the breathlessly hushed whispers of a Le Carre novel - "How Cardinal Razinger became Pope Benedict XVI".The parent demographicTaegan Goddard notes that the Progressive Policy Institute - a Dem think tank - has conducted a study attempting to describe why their party got slaughtered in the "married with children" demographic last year: [L]ast year's presidential election "revealed a striking gap in the political leanings of people who are married with children: They favored the Republican, President George W. Bush, over the Democrat, Sen. John Kerry, by nearly 20 percentage points -- 59 percent to 40 percent."
"But Democrats will not do better with married parents until they recognize one simple truth: Parents have a beef with popular culture. As they see it, the culture is getting ever more violent, materialistic, and misogynistic, and they are losing their ability to protect their kids from morally corrosive images and messages. To be credible, Democrats must acknowledge the legitimacy of parents' beef and make it unmistakably clear that they are on parents' side." It's worth a read, whichever side of the Aisle you're on.About Benedict XVI and conservative viewsThis post - and some of the comments - are reproduced from something I posted on a message board, and subsequent discussions.
Disclaimer: I'm not a Christian, I'm somewhere on the skeptical side of deism at this point.
I have to admit that I'm baffled when people say things like "I'm a Roman Catholic, but I disagree with the Vatican on points x, y and z". If you disagree with the Catholic church, how are you a Catholic?
If you challenged the Pope to justify why he holds the views that he does on homosexuality, abortion, birth control and so on, I'm willing to bet that he could give you a lengthy essay on precisely why, peppered with references to scripture. Yet, when you challenge those people who disagree with his views, or object to his "conservatism", those people rarely (if ever) attempt to refute his textual arguments, or explain how he's misreading scripture - they simply contend that the church's morality should more closely resemble their views, without any reference to scripture. By implication, it seems to me, they contend that the church should be based not upon the text of the Bible, but rather - cue Antonin Scalia impression - upon "society's evolving standard of decency".
Any authoritative text - whether it's the Bible or the United States Constitution - has to be understood to mean what it meant when it was written. If it isn't interpreted that way, then ipso facto, it isn't authoritative. "Society's evolving standard of decency" is of no relevance whatsoever; the only variables are our understanding of the original intent of text, informed by the context in which it was written, and how the text can be reasonably interpreted to apply to contigencies which it does not take into account. The context has been obscured by the passage of time, but the meaning does not change per the same; it means today what it was understood to mean at that time.
In order to dispute the views of the Pope - a man who has spent a lifetime studying the text and context of the Bible - it is incumbent upon you to demonstrate why the interpretation or translation of the text on which he bases his views is wrong, that this isn't what the Bible says. If you can't do that, or if the basis for your argument is anything other than the text itself, your argument is on very, very shaky ground.
I don't agree with the new Pope's views - or those of the old one, for that matter - on homosexuality or bith control any more than most my friends on the other side of the aisle do. Solution? I don't become or claim to be a Catholic! Being a member of a religion, to my mind, is not like being a member of a political party. You don't get to pick and choose which sections of the New Covenant you like; this isn't Burger King, you can't "have it your way" - you either accept it in toto or reject it in toto.
Lest it seem that I'm horribly cold-hearted about this, the truth is that I do feel for those people who find it difficult to reconcile their social and political views against their purported religious beliefs - but the church can only stretch so far. Dogma can be challenged, biblical interpretation can be challenged, but at the end of the day, the definition of a catholic is someone who is a member of the catholic church; to be a member of the catholic church, you have to accept the teachings of the catholic church. If you're a Christian who doesn't, then - by definition, it seems to me - you're not a catholic - you're a protestant.
The bottom line is - the church does not dictate policy to God, neither does Pat Robertson or Al Sharpton, and most certianly, neither do you or I. If you think the Church's teachings are heretical, if you believe that they are a departure from the expressed and implied message and teachings of Jesus Christ, then you need to demonstrate that, textually, and if you can't do so, you should find another church. Ahem. There is another alternative, which is of course that maybe you accept that what the church teaches is in fact accurate to the expressed and implied message and teachings of Jesus Christ, but you simply disagree with those teachings. And if that's the case, I think you are occupying territory that is very, very tough to defend. The new Pope isn't shy to speak his mindStory. Last summer, Ratzinger entered an argument among U.S. bishops about whether Catholic politicians -- such as Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), then running for president -- should be denied Holy Communion because of their support for abortion rights. "Consistently campaigning and voting for permissive abortion and euthanasia laws" was a "grave sin" that must disqualify a Catholic from receiving the sacrament, Ratzinger wrote, and so is voting for such a politician out of support for abortion rights. One thing I find interesting is the article's use of quote marks...I'd be interested to see the whole passage, in context, although I don't doubt that the Post isn't far off in its description, and I imagine the new Pope would wear those comments as a badge of pride. I say that because virtually all the people criticising his selection are complaining that he's too much of a traditionalist, while most of the laudatory comments I've read about his selection praise his traditionalism. There seems to be broad consensus that he's a traditionalist, for better or worse, and thus the above remarks would certainly be consistent.
This also from Reuters:
StoryBOSTON (Reuters) - Liberal U.S. Catholics on Tuesday expressed dismay at the choice of a conservative new pope and doubted he will heal an institution racked by disillusionment and tarnished by a sex abuse scandal among the clergy.
The election of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger as Pope Benedict XVI rankled those who advocate married priests, a bigger role for women within the church and softening its policy on homosexuality, birth control, euthanasia and abortion. As with the interpretation of the US constitution, I'm an originalist on these matters (see also, entry 4/6/2005). The meaning of the text does not evolve or change; the convenant means what it meant when it was written under divine inspiration. God's message isunchanging, and it's often demonstrated (or could be argued) that he fits the way the message is told to the context of the time. Which means that to understand the message, you have to look at the text and the context. The subsequent passage of time does not change the message, only obscures the context around the text. The search to reform the church and its policy must be based on what is in the text, on finding a better understanding of what it meant when written, otherwise it's mere (and arrogant) dogma.
I just don't believe that one can pick and choose which parts of the covenant one adopts, which is why I personally adopt none of it (or rather, why I claim to adopt none of it; I try, of course, to adopt some of it, but to call myself a Christian, to my mind, would be a grave insult to those who do accept the covenant. You can't be one-foot-in, one-foot-out of this deal). I can't (yet) square my interpretation of the text with my view on what's morally right, so I can't in good conscience sign up to that. Which sucks, but I am handcuffed by my worldview.
For example, I would love if Ephesians 5:22-24 could magically cease to exist - but it obstinately remains in existance. I can't simply delete it from the text for my comfort. The reality seems to remain that although context (and subsequent verses) seem to... Ah.. Shall we say, mitigate those verses, the text itself appears to categorically place women as a subjacent vassal to her husband. I will never accept that; I'd love to find context which shows that the text, in context, does not mean what it appears to mean prima facie - but if that's what it means, if that's the price of entry, it's not a price I can pay. You can't destroy discrimination using more discrimination, and you can't save your soul by losing your soul.
I don't know much about Benedict XVI's views, but it seems to me that the Conclave made a good choice. It isn't the church's place to dictate policy to God. If God wants to create a third covenant, that remains his perogative - not mine, not the Vatican's, and not that of people who want an easy way to square their faith with their societal values.Hamdi v. Rumsfeld A fellow I enjoy debating on a message board I visit recently noted his dissatisfaction
in Justice Scalia's dissent in Hamdi v. Rumsfeld. So we've been batting
this back and forth for a couple of days. Just for fun, I'm going to collate and
repost my reading on the case here. :) Not for the first time, I concur with Scalia's
view, which he summarized thus:
"This case brings into conflict the competing demands of national
security and our citizens' constitutional right to personal liberty. Although
I share the Court's evident unease as it seeks to reconcile the two, I do not
agree with its resolution. Where the Government accuses a citizen of waging
war against it, our constitutional tradition has been to prosecute him in federal
court for treason or some other crime. Where the exigencies of war prevent that,
the Constitution's Suspension Clause, Art. I, §9, cl. 2, allows Congress to
relax the usual protections temporarily. Absent suspension, however, the Executive's
assertion of military exigency has not been thought sufficient to permit detention
without charge. No one contends that the congressional Authorization for Use
of Military Force, on which the Government relies to justify its actions here,
is an implementation of the Suspension Clause. Accordingly, I would reverse
the decision below." Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. __ (2004),
SCALIA, J., dissenting, at pp. 1-2.
John objects to Scalia's dissent, on the following grounds: "My objection
to Scalia is twofold. The first is that he is wrong that Congress hasn't
suspended habeas corpus. The did not issue a blanket suspension of habeas corpus,
but they have allowed for the President to detain individuals who are in Al
Qaeda, regardless of their citizenship. They did so in the Afghanistan War Resolution.
They did not do it in Iraq, which is why the prisoners from Iraq have been treated
as POWs under the Geneva Convention and those captured in Afghanistan have not.
The second objection is that Scalia believes American citizens are secured
their constitutional rights when they leave the jurisdiction of the United States.
If this was true, Michael Fay could not have been beaten with bamboo. For practical
reasons, its simply wrong that the Supreme Court has jurisdicition to even hear
this case, much less rule that Al Qaeda gets due process". I can't
support John's conclusions on either point. Let us take the simpler mattter
first.
I
John contends that an American who goes abroad loses their constitutional rights,
citing the case of Michael Fay, an American "who travelled to Singapore
and was arrested for vandalism. He was sentenced to corporal punishment- being
beaten with a stick of bamboo. This could never happen in the US, as corporal
punichment applied by the Judiciary is unconstitutional. However, since the
US Federal Courts had no jurisdiction over Singapore, they had no power to overturn
the conviction or commute the sentence, and it would be crazy to say they did".
I dispute his underlying contention, and I see little or no corrolation between
the Fay and Hamdi cases. Fay was arrested for the commission of a crime under
the laws of the nation in which he was located, and was tried pursuant to that
nation's legal system; consequentially, at no point during the commision, trial
or punishment of the crime was he under US jurisdiction. It should go without
saying that the United States cannot handily enforce the rights and priveleges
of its citizens when its citizens leave the jurisdiction of the United States,
but that in no way means that those rights are waived or suspended - they are
merely beyond enforcement. However, Hamdi was arrested by US military forces.
His rights, as I have just described, are conditional upon his citizenship of
this nation, not his immediate locale - "it is the birthright of every
American citizen when charged with crime to be tried and punished according
to law"; Ex Parte Milligan, 71 US 2 (1866), at 119 - those rights
may not be removed by government fiat - "citizenship is not subject to the
general powers of the National Government and therefore cannot be divested in
the exercise of those powers"; Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86 (1958),
at 92; see also, Perez v. Brownell, 356 U.S. 44 (1958) (WARREN,
C.J., dissenting); Osborn v. Bank of the United States, 9 Wheat. 738
at 827 - and his ability to insist on those rights, conditional upon being under
US jurisdiction, which no-one contests that he was. Since, unlike Fay, Hamdi
was under US jurisdiction following his arrest in Afghanistan, merely by being
a US citizen and being physically under US jurisdiction, unless Congress had
explicitly suspended the writ of habeas corpus (Milligan, supra,
at 115-116), Hamdi has a legitimate right to assert the rights of any US citizen
held in detention under US jurisdiction.
II
John also asserts that Congress has suspended the writ of Habeas Corpus,
pusuant to Article I, §9 Cause 2 of the US Constitution, and that it did
so in "the Afghanistan War Resolution". Although John doesn't
specify it, the act of Congress which authorized the US action against Afghanistan
in fall 2001 was S.J.Res.23, which I reproduce from the Library of Congress' text
below:
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. This joint resolution may be cited
as the `Authorization for Use of Military Force'. SEC. 2. AUTHORIZATION FOR
USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES. (a) IN GENERAL- That the President
is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations,
organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided
the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such
organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international
terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons.
(b) War Powers Resolution Requirements-
(1) SPECIFIC STATUTORY AUTHORIZATION- Consistent with section 8(a)(1) of the
War Powers Resolution, the Congress declares that this section is intended to
constitute specific statutory authorization within the meaning of section 5(b)
of the War Powers Resolution.
(2) APPLICABILITY OF OTHER REQUIREMENTS- Nothing in this resolution supercedes
any requirement of the War Powers Resolution.
John contends that this language "gives the President the explicit right
to use military and police force against individuals who support Al Qaeda. There's
no other way to read that. This is adequate to suspend the habeas corpus rights
of Hamdi. Congress did suspend habeas corpus in this limited fashion...The text
of the resolution clearly contradicts their case. Congress gave explicit authority
to Bush to use these powers.". I disagree. Congress retains the right
to suspend habeas corpus - a writ of so little consequence to the Framers that
it was the one writ specifically mentioned in the Constitution; a right so transient
and triffling that Hamilton, quoting Blackstone, noted in Federalist 84, "confinement
of the person, by secretly hurrying him to jail, where his sufferings are unknown
or forgotten, is a less public, a less striking, and therefore A MORE DANGEROUS
ENGINE of arbitrary government" - but it cannot do so by mere inference.
If Congress wishes to suspend habeas corpus, it must do so explicitly - and I'm
baffled by how John can argue that their statement is "explicit" ("Congress
gave explicit authority to Bush to use these powers"). I could grant
some credibility to the argument that it is strongly implied, although I'd disagree
with that point, too, but to say that Congress explicitly authorized suspension
of habeas is ludicrous. On those occaisions in the past when Congress has suspended
the writ, it has mentioned habeas corpus by name, and associated with it the verb
"suspend". See, Fisher v. Baker, 203 U.S. 174 (1906);
Milligan, supra, at 115. The presence or absence of such language
in S.J.Res.23, or other related legislation, seems to be a reasonable standard
by which to determine whether or not Congress has suspended the writ. None exists
of which I'm aware. To say that Congress suspended habeas corpus requires the
reading of new ideas into the text to justify a subsequently arising contingency
- habitually, that's referred to as "judicial activism". Even the Court
majority - with whose conclusion John presumably agrees, given your opposition
to Scalia's dissent - doesn't even contest that the writ wasn't suspended by Congress:
"Though they reach radically different conclusions on the
process that ought to attend the present proceeding, the parties begin on common
ground. All agree that, absent suspension, the writ of habeas corpus remains
available to every individual detained within the United States. U. S. Const.,
Art. I, §9, cl. 2 .... All agree suspension of the writ has not occurred
here." Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. __ (2004), per curiam,
p.18
Now, arguably, in the current war on terror, Congress should suspend
the writ, or at least, circumscribe its use. "If at any time the public
safety should require the suspension of the powers vested by this act in the
courts of the United States, it is for the legislature to say so".
Ex parte Bollman, 8 U.S. (4 Cr.) 75, 101 (1807). The legislature has
not thus spoken; it did not do so in S.J.Res.23, and the absence of Congressional
suspension is not contested by the government nor any concurring or dissenting
Justice of the Court in Hamdi. Therefore, Hamdi's constitutional rights
remained in effect.
III
My conclusion, therefore, is that Hamdi retained his rights as a citizen, and
was under jurisdiction of the US. Consequentially, thare are no constitutional
grounds on which the court can rest its denial of a writ of habeas corpus. It
may well be very unwise to do so, but the constitution was never designed
to protect America from terrorism - it was designed to protect Americans from
government.
Scalia concluded: "It follows from what I have said that Hamdi is entitled
to a habeas decree requiring his release unless (1) criminal proceedings are promptly
brought, or (2) Congress has suspended the writ of habeas corpus. A suspension
of the writ could, of course, lay down conditions for continued detention, similar
to those that today's opinion prescribes under the Due Process Clause. Cf. Act
of Mar. 3, 1863, 12 Stat. 755." Hamdi dissent, supra at §V,
p. 21 "There is a certain harmony of approach in the plurality's making up
for Congress's failure to invoke the Suspension Clause and its making up for the
Executive's failure to apply what it says are needed procedures--an approach that
reflects what might be called a Mr. Fix-it Mentality. The plurality seems to view
it as its mission to Make Everything Come Out Right, rather than merely to decree
the consequences, as far as individual rights are concerned, of the other two
branches' actions and omissions. Has the Legislature failed to suspend the writ
in the current dire emergency? Well, we will remedy that failure by prescribing
the reasonable conditions that a suspension should have included. And has the
Executive failed to live up to those reasonable conditions? Well, we will ourselves
make that failure good, so that this dangerous fellow (if he is dangerous) need
not be set free. The problem with this approach is not only that it steps out
of the courts' modest and limited role in a democratic society; but that by repeatedly
doing what it thinks the political branches ought to do it encourages their lassitude
and saps the vitality of government by the people." Hamdi dissent,
supra at §V, pp. 24-24. I concur with Justices Scalia and Stevens.FunnyI found this funny and clever...
Ten Reasons Why Gay Marriage is Wrong
1. Homosexuality is not natural. Real Americans always reject unnatural things
like eyeglasses, polyester, and air conditioning.
2. Gay marriage will encourage people to be gay, in the same way that hanging
around tall people will make you tall.
3. Legalizing gay marriage will open the door to all kinds of crazy behavior.
People may even wish to marry their pets because a dog has legal standing and
can sign a marriage contract.
4. Heterosexual marriage has been around a long time and hasn't changed at
all; women are still property, blacks still can't marry whites, and divorce
is still illegal.
5. Straight marriage will be less meaningful if homosexual marriage were
allowed; the sanctity of Brittany Spears' 55-hour just-for-fun marriage would
be destroyed.
6. Heterosexual marriages are valid because they produce children. Homosexual
couples, infertile couples, and old people shouldn't be allowed to marry because
our orphanages aren't full yet, and the world needs more children.
7. Obviously gay parents will raise gay children, since straight parents only
raise straight children.
8. Gay marriage is not supported by religion. In a theocracy like ours, the
values of one religion are imposed on the entire country. That's why we have
only one religion in America.
9. Children can never succeed without a male and a female role model at home.
That's why we as a society expressly forbid single parents to raise children.
10. Gay marriage will change the foundation of society; we could never adapt
to new social norms. Just like we haven't adapted to cars, the service-sector
economy, or longer life spans. Since I have some time…Roper v. SimmonsThis is something I've not really commented on, although I've been stewing about it for a couple of weeks, until I ran into this excellent blog post about it, and I thought I'd repost my reply to the author here. That was an excellent piece...I agree with virtually all of what you said. the underlying problem seems to be this notion of "the living constitution" - an idea supported by Justices like LJ Breyer - and a legal doctrine that Justice Scalia has warned will ultimately rob the Constitution of all meaning.
Like you, I am generally opposed to the execution of minors; I think it's wrong that society allows it to be continued, in any but the most heinous of cases.
But when did something being wrong make it unconstitutional?
This is the key underlying problem with Roper and many of the Court's other recent decisions: their desire to establish new rights has overriden their constitutionally ordained role; they are dreaming new rights into the text which have never been there before. The constitution is not a malleable document through which a lordly government tells us what rights we have; it is the charter through which "we the people" established a mutually agreed delegation of powers to the government. The 8th Amendment does not ban the execution of minors; neither the death penalty or its application to minors was considered "cruel and unusual" in 1791; no amendment has yet been ratified into the constitution which so defines the execution of a minor. Thus, there is no possible grounds to declare the execution of a minor "unconstitutional".
Now, that isn't to say that it's a good thing that it isn't unconstitutional. Maybe it should be. Luckily, the Framers gave us a handy dandy way to change the meaning of the Constitution. That process is spelled out, though, in Article V - not Article III (one could argue that, if the Framers intended the meaning of the Constitution to be updated by the Supreme Court from time to time, why provide a legislature-initiated amendment process at all? Why not just write into article V, "from time-to-time, the Supreme Court will update the Constitution, on examination of the evolving standard of decency in the nation and in foreign case law?" For that matter, why not just grant the court such a duty/power in Article III section 2 - which, of course, they very conspicuously did not). Just as with the 2nd Amendment, if the execution of minors is such a bad thing, if the ownership of assault weapons is such a bad thing, convince enough people and pass a constitutional amendment. Lobby your state legislature to pass a law. But to claim that it's unconstitutional is a nonsense.
I think that the problem is that many people - as a result of the spread of this pernicious doctrine of "the living constitution" are no longer able or willing to accept that just because something is morally repugnant that it can't still be (and isn't) legal and constitutional.
This is not merely legal nitpicking - it's goes to the very heart of what the Constitution means. If the constitution does not mean what it says, if its meaning can be changed through time or circumstances, then we should stop pretending and get rid of it. If the costitution is a "living document", as LJJ Kennedy, Breyer, Ginsburg, Stevens et al contend, then the constitution is moot. It is of no value whatsoever, because the only value of the constitution is that it makes government the servant of the people, rather than their master, by forcing the government to operate under the framework we and our forefathers granted it by ratifying its charter. Government can offer the people revisions to its charter, and the people can accept or reject those amendments per procurationem their State Legislatures - but the day that any branch of government is yielded the authority to redefine its charter, we will take a step towards tyranny. Roper v. Simmons - for all its undeniable good intent - is such a step; it is the court ruling what is moral, not what is legal. And as Justice Scalia noted in his dissent, "the court hereby proclaims itself the sole moral arbiter of the nation". The Founders would be appalled, and it's a mystery why the populus are not. Off sickFelt pretty crummy this morning, went to the doc at lunch...I have strep throat of the infectious variety, so I'm banned from the workplace until weds morning...and the shot they gave me us making me super woosy...And they syringed my ears. Which makes me dizzy...blah… NASA - facing the loss of 1/3 of its budget - mulls killing VOYAGERStory. In a cost-cutting move prompted by President Bush's moon-Mars initiative, NASA could summarily put an end to Voyager, the legendary 28-year mission that has sent a spacecraft farther from Earth than any object ever made by humans. The probable October shutdown of a program that currently costs $4.2 million a year has caused consternation among scientists who have shepherded the twin Voyager probes on flybys of four planets and an epic journey to the frontier of interstellar space.
Voyager 1 and Voyager 2, destined originally for a five-year journey to Jupiter and Saturn, have been extended repeatedly ever since. Most systems are functioning well, and both spacecraft are expected to provide usable data until their plutonium power sources are used up -- probably in 2020.
Today Voyager 1, about 9 billion miles from Earth and traveling at 46,000 mph, and Voyager 2, about 7 billion miles away doing 63,000 mph, are flirting with the edge of the solar system, where the sun's magnetic field and the solar wind give way to interstellar wind. Virtually nothing is known about this boundary. Data from the spacecraft show periodic jumps in radiation levels -- expected when the solar wind is no longer able to block incoming cosmic rays -- followed by smaller declines.
"By 2006, the spacecraft may have crossed into the outermost layer of solar atmosphere, where the supersonic wind has slowed and heated to a million degrees as it interacts with the interstellar wind," said California Institute of Technology physicist Edward C. Stone, Voyager's chief scientist from the outset. "If Voyager is terminated, we will lose the opportunity to observe [this] interaction." You'd think that they'd be able to find a piddling $4.2m from private sources to keep this thing running. This is one of the great scientific achievements of the 20th Century, it seems callous and short-sighted to shut down a cheap program that still has a useful function to serve. Sure, it's a mobile pocket calculator - but to get another craft that far out is a heck of an undertaking.DLC leaders make their bid for Dem party's futureStory. In an attack on the party's dominant left wing, anti-war base, and a warning for new Democratic National Committee Chairman Howard Dean "to do no harm," the centrist-leaning Democratic Leadership Council said it is "a delusion to think that if we just turned out our voters, we could win national elections."
Instead, the DLC called on the party to dramatically change its message to "recapture the muscular progressive internationalism of Roosevelt, Truman and Kennedy and convince voters that national security is our first priority."
"To win back the White House in 2008, our party must change. We must be willing to discard political strategies that may make us feel good but that keep falling short. We must finally reject the false choice between exciting our base and expanding our appeal, because unless we both motivate and persuade, we'll lose every time," said DLC founder Al From and President Bruce Reed in a new manifesto for their party. The fat lady - err...Speaker - sings on Social Security reformWell - maybe, anyway:
Story. As was widely reported yesterday, House Speaker Denny Hastert (R) of Illinois is quoted in the National Journal saying he doesn't believe the Republican Congress will be able to pass a Social Security phase-out bill in 2005.
He says it will have to wait until 2006.
Now, the idea that [supporters of reform] are going to have the fortitude, shall we say, to pass a phase-out bill within six months of an election when they were too scared to do it eighteen months before an election is preposterous.
So what Hastert is saying is that Social Security phase-out is over in the 109th Congress. Mind you, that doesn't mean I think it's over. But that is what he's saying, for all who have ears to hear it. Don't say I didn't tell you so. Still, fans of private accounts can draw some comfort from the fact that this isn't the first time Hastert has excited opponents of change - in the olympiasnowe08 blog a few weeks back we reported Hastert's determination that the Senate would need to pass the reform bill first, and in early February, the Speaker seemed to be jumping onto the "not so fast" bandwagon, joining...Errr...Well, a good percentage of the Congressional Republican Party, if anyone's keeping track. See also, entry 2/21/2005.
So maybe this is too soon to read Social Security its last rites - but I'm getting flashbacks to the Monty Python parrot sketch already.The PopeThere's almost nothing I can say or add to the chorus regarding the death of the Pope, so I'm staying out of it, except for expressing my disgust at the reaction of the New York Times. Howard Dean Enjoyed Minutes 8-10 of “Fifteen Minutes of Fame” Most of AllStory.
MONTPELIER, VT – Current DNC Chief and former Democratic Presidential candidate Howard Dean had a wild ride while trying to reach the White House during the 2004 Democratic primary. It was a roller coaster, filled with peaks and valleys, hills and depressions.
What Governor Dean experienced is what many people call “Fifteen Minutes of Fame,” where a person becomes wildly popular for a very short time, before drifting into oblivion.
“It was nuts,” Governor Dean said. “The first two minutes were a blur – everything happened so fast I couldn’t possibly have absorbed it all.”
Governor Dean said that minutes three, four and five were filled with hard work, and were therefore, less enjoyable. “We were working so hard, I really didn’t enjoy them as much as I should. Sometimes you have to step back and smell the roses. Unfortunately I didn’t do that in minutes three through five.” Sorry, Dean fans - it's still funny, though!Butting heads with Pat BuchananPat Buchanan on Ex Rel. Schaivo "...Conservatives are hypocrites, they charge. The Right opposes judicial activism and preaches states' rights. But in Terri's case, the Right clamored for judicial activism and rejected states' rights.
But this is absurd. The judicial activist in Terri's case is Greer, who sentenced a brain-damaged woman to death by starvation and dehydration. If this is not judicial activism, in violation of a citizen's right to life, due process of law, and not to be subjected to cruel and unusual punishment, what is? See also, entries 3/22/2005 and 3/23/2005.
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