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Anuum
Catholic social teaching and public policy: Presuppositions, institutional settlement, and the competency of bishops
Father Thomas Reese, SJ, appeared on The Colbert Report this week to talk about the budget offered by Rep. Paul Ryan (R-Wisc.) and Catholic social teaching. It is true, is it not, that as Fr. Reese says, Jesus warned that we’d be judged by whether we forced our neighbors to feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, and clothe the naked? Whatsover you enact statutes forcing others to do for the least of these, He said, you do for me. It is very clear in the gospel, as Fr. Reese says, that Jesus “reached out” and demanded that the Roman government help the poor, help the sick, etc. And who can argue with Fr. Reese when he tacitly asserts that the Church and her action is and should be equated coextensively and inseparablly from the actions of the civil government? No unexamined presuppositions here! 1
The fundamental problem with Reese’s remarks is his presupposition that the individual commission of Christians (or the Church’s collective commission if you prefer) vis-à-vis the poor can be conflated with the action of government. Acknowledging this is not not necessarily to say he’s wrong, but it is an unexamined and arguable presupposition that one (only one?) ecclesial duty should be assumed by the secular state and implemented with the force of law. Despite his authoritative air, and despite the prevalence of the view in the last century, Reese is merely reciting the liberal vision of social justice catholicism, which is to say “how liberal Catholics think.” It is not the only lens through which to view the question.
All of us who think about the intersection of religion and politics want to think that our own substantive political views take a back seat to the Church’s doctrine, but we inescapably come to the question of whether and how to import the Church’s doctrine into policy through the lens of our political philosophy and presuppositions. That is to say, a conservative and a liberal who convert to Catholicism will have to rethink their substantive views on the death penalty and abortion respectively, for example, but they will still be a conservative and a liberal respectively, and so they will think about how and whether doctrine should influence policy through the lenses of what conservatives and liberals think about government and policy. 2 One lens, through which Reese peers, is that the government is simply the juridical representative of society, and in a Christian society (which for these limited purposes I’m sure he would stipulate that we are, pluralism be darned), the most efficient way for the members of that society to fulfill their ecclesial obligations is to organize the carrying out of those functions through government. 3 The conservative view, which I’m sure is Rep. Ryan’s, hesitates to uncritically equate the government with the society, is more anxious about the scope of governmental authority and the danger inherent in it, is more attuned to the structural limits of governmental authority, and recognizes that (among other things) the more of people’s money government takes, the less able individuals are to fulfill their ecclesial obligations.
When I presented these concerns in another place, Ed Cummings asked me:
Simon, do you support vigorous and clear enforcement of a complete division between Church teaching and government action, or do you support a direct alignment between Church teaching and government policy? Because under the former, Ryan and [former Senator Rick] Santorum should shut up about their religion, and under the latter, they should apologize to us all for lying about their policy advocacy and lying about the Church’s teaching. Which is it?
That’s an important question, and I’m glad to have the opportunity to speak to it. The short answer is no. While I’m opposed to theocracy—the best thing that ever happened to the Papacy was the loss of its temporal authority—I don’t have any problem with the state implementing policies urged by religious teaching, so long as it’s filtered through the constitutional organs of civil society. For example, I don’t think that the Catholic Church should be able to order Indiana to abolish the death penalty; I do think that Catholic hoosiers should work with folks who oppose the death penalty for other reasons to lobby the General Assembly to abolish the death penalty in this state. (The President has made similar if stronger comments about casting religiously-motivated policy concerns in broader terms.) I doubt that many progressives are dim enough to say that a vigorous and clear enforcement of a complete division between Church teaching and government action precludes the direct alignment of Indiana’s death penalty policy with the Church’s teaching on capital punishment! 4
Here’s a somewhat longer answer. As a Catholic, I obviously believe what the Church teaches, and that she has authority to teach it. And I think that a state, to the extent it takes actions that implicate the wellbeing of individuals, should act consistently with what the Catholic Church teaches is good for the wellbeing individuals. As a conservative, I think that the extent to which the state acts in ways that implicate the wellbeing of individuals should be confined within traditional bounds, and as an American conservative (for want of a better description), I think that we should be skeptical of the propriety and efficiency of assigning power to governmental entities. Nevertheless, a traditional function of the state is to go further, to enforce certain rules, many of which are moral questions—rules such as “thou shalt not kill.” When the state acts to enjoin conduct that Anglo-American civilization has always enjoined, 5, I have no problem with it doing so, provided that the policy decision is first filtered through the constitutional organs of civil society, as I said in the short answer, above.
The caveat is important. In a liberal, pluralistic society, there has to be a circuit breaker! There has to be an opportunity for the governed to say “wait a second, we didn’t sign up for this.” On the other hand, when Catholics and non-Catholics alike agree that a teaching of the Church is correct, when that coalition thinks the teaching is good for society and is consonant with the traditional scope of government, certainly that group should push for that outcome, and if a majority of the polity agrees, for whatever reasons, whether secular, Catholic, or motivated by any other religious views, that doctrine can be implemented as public policy.
There’s another reason why you need a circuit breaker. Liberal Catholics used to understand that there isn’t always a straight line between the doctrinal teaching of the Church and the formulation of public policy. 6 (They still do say that when the subject is abortion, of course.) Take contraception, for example. It does not follow from the Church’s teaching that contraception is sinful that contraception must be illegal. No one seriously infers from Humanæ vitæ that USCCB wants to make birth control illegal, and no one seriously infers from USCCB’s failure to advocate criminalization of condoms that the Church is taking a more diffident stance on the morality of birth control. Everyone intuitively understands that the two issues are entirely separate. Boost the level of generality a little and it becomes apparent that the same principle applies to the issue before us today: It does not follow that those things that the Church requires of her members, whether doctrinally or canonically, must or should be made into obligations of the civil law.
And there may be trade-offs to consider. Even if there is agreement that a given doctrine should be adopted as public policy, at least in principle, there may be good reasons to hesitate, because policy is never perfect and the costs of the policy may outweigh the gains. Importing doctrine into policy may have huge direct and indirect consequences, foreseen and unforeseen, which may or may not counsel against doing so. Suppose that A is an unqualified good, and we all agree that A ought to be policy, but the Church teaches that B and C are bad things, and the political science buffs warn that if we enact A as policy, B will follow and C might also. Do we still impose A as public policy, or do we leave A as an ecclesiastical question? Judging whether a given line is longer than a given rock is heavy is no more properly ecclesiastical than it is judicial; 7 it is a quintessentially legislative judgment, which again calls for such calls to be made through the filter of civil constitutional organs such as Congress.
What is the role of the bishops in all this? As a general rule, I think that the bishops should present and press for the full breadth of Catholic teaching in the public square—what Joseph Card. Bernardin called the “seamless garment,” which I support on the understanding that it does not preclude recognition that some teachings are more urgent than others. At the same time, however, for reasons of institutional settlement if nothing else, bishops do best to stick to articulating the Magisterium (in which they are presumptively experts, and on which their comments are privileged) rather than proposing specific policy (in which they do not necessarily have any expertise and on which they enjoy no privilege). Episcopal ordination does not in itself make clerics expert on subjects like economics, politics, or law, even when those issues are relevant to their pastoral mission. (Consider, for example, the responses of Roger Card. Mahony and Archbp. Jose Gomez to the Supreme Court’s SB1070 hearing last week!) Unfortunately, a number of bishops simply don’t understand the limits of episcopal competence (outside of the triple munera, bishops are just pundits), which you’ll see in the fact that number of them still believe that what is happening with the DHHS mandate is an abberation rather than the logical consequence of increasing government involvement in healthcare. (Contrast the rhetoric about the mandate with their ongoing support for healthcare reform.) They just don’t see the connection.
The Magisterium, in other words, is an entirely permissible input in the legislative process, and it’s one that as a rule, I obviously think ought to have great weight. But teaching is not policy, even when it is correctly represented, which I think Fr. Reese has not done in this case.
Notes:
- Fr. Reese should be commended for having found a way to get a room full of progressives cheering for the implementation of Church doctrine into positive civil law, and I look forward to the support of the same people if we should implement other pieces of Church doctrine directly into positive civil law, notwithstanding that those folks have previously cried “theocracy” when law tries to so much as discourage murder! ↩
- See generally MP: Philosophy of Philosophies (May 2, 2012); cf. SF: Care and feeding of your conservative, Jun. 6, 2011). ↩
- Cf. Ross Douthat, Government and Its Rivals in The New York Times, Jan. 8, 2012 (“In th[e liberal] worldview, the government is just the natural expression of our national community, and the place where we all join hands to pursue the common good. Or to borrow a line attributed to Representative Barney Frank, ‘Government is simply the name we give to the things we choose to do together.’”) ↩
- I have encountered one who was willing to take his fairly extreme formulation of the separation of religion and policy to its (il)logical conclusion. I asked him: “So you’re saying that if a legislator votes to abolish the death penalty because they’re a liberal, that’s fine, but if I cast the same vote because I’m a Catholic, my vote is unconstitutional?” You’d think that this was reductio ad absurdum, but to his credit (or otherwise) he conceded that that followed from his premise and didn’t shrink from it. ↩
- I.e. when it acts within the traditional ambit of the state’s power to regulate, see SF: Regulation (Apr. 6, 2009). ↩
- See, e.g. Richard McBrien, The Church 259 (2008); but cf. Pacem in Terris no. 160 (John XXIII, 1963); MP: Is it time for a Catholic political party (Sept. 22, 2011) (discussing the problems of founding a Catholic political party). ↩
- See Bendix Autolite v. Midwesco Enterprises, 486 U.S. 888, 897 (1988) (Scalia, J., concurring). ↩
A matter of identity
In a recent post re-proposing “fish friday,” I implied that I disagree with the 1966 decisions of Paul VI and the NCCB (USCCB’s forerunner) to make fish friday optional, but set aside that discussion until today.
One of the things that worries me is Catholic identity; I would call it waning but that seems a generation too late. In a recent post on celibacy, his excellency Bp. Christopher Coyne (by God’s grace my apostolic administrator) notes the sexuality-based identity so prevalent in the modern world:
Sadly, we live in a culture driven by the sexual definition and understanding of the human person as the primary one. The starting point for most people is the sexual label: ‘I’m gay, I’m straight, I’m lesbian, I’m bi, I’m transgender, etc.’
And so it is. But I wonder if perhaps the Church can learn something from the gay community.
My impression is that a large percentage of that community organize their lives around their “gay identity.” There is a gay media, which they read; there are gay clubs and bars, to which they go; there are gay social organizations, to which they belong; there are gay-themed recreational activities such as gay cruises, which they enjoy, and so on. They have gay think tanks to advocate gay-friendly social policy. Most of my gay friends and acquaintances, it seems to me, see everything through the prism of this identity; you remember the old saw that the New York Times‘ headline when the apocalypse comes will be “world ends, women and children hardest hit”? Well, for them, it can often feel to an outsider, it isn’t news until the Advocate runs it, until the Pink Press has come up with a gay-related angle. Simply put, to the extent this impression is correct, gays get identity.
Do Catholics, still?
Catholicism isn’t a solitary religion; it isn’t just about a vertical and personal relationship between the individual believer and God. We recognize that our adoption into the Holy Family requires a horizontal relationship with a community of believers. See, e.g., McBrien, Catholicism 12-14 (2d ed. 1994). We recognize and support each other, mutual piety reinforcing mutual piety. Identity helps recognize one another and so helps ad intra; it also helps ad extra: “Preach the gospel at all times; if necessary, use words!” In the last few decades, however, the “grout” of shared Catholic identity seems to have decayed. Small wonder that the tiles are falling out!
Just to take one example, if one walked into a restaurant on a Friday a few generations ago, picking out the Catholics was easy: They’d be the ones crossing themselves to say grace over a nice slice of fish. There are reasonable arguments for making “fish Friday” optional, and my previous post mentioned some of them, but in focusing solely on in terms of the vertical, the bishops of 1966 failed to take into account its place in the horizontal. A norm whence substitutions are allowed isn’t implausible, because, for example, abstinence qua penance is small potatoes for vegetarians! The problem, however, is this: Although the bishops expressly assumed in the 1966 Pastoral Statement (see my previous post for details) that abstinence would remain the norm, in practice, the move was not perceived by the first generation as allowing substitutions but rather as license to do nothing (making something optional will typically have that effect), and the second and successive generations, not having learned from the example of their parents, are not even aware of the issue. The thing is, children learn by watching their parents and those around them in the community; if one generation stops doing something,successive generations are unlikely to recover it because it will simply not occur to them. A thing must be conceived before it can be considered.
Thus, after the generation to which Pastoral Statement was given abandoned friday abstinence, their children had no models from whom to learn; the children had no idea that that was something that Catholics did (a situation that worsens if they didn’t hear contrary voices from the pulpit, and in the 1970s, preaching Catholic praxis was decidedly “out” in favor of a stripped-down and diluted catholicism). And so, where their parents simply didn’t do it, the children didn’t even know that there was something to do that they were neglecting. And their children, in turn, are even less likely to be exposed to the notion of abstention and thus even less likely to do it. Like communion on the tongue, they have no idea that it is even an issue, save only the occasional contemptuous reference by a trendy liturgist to the supposed horrors of the preconciliar Church.
Examples could be multiplied; I recently read a blog post discussing the collapse of attendance on Holy Days of Obligation. The child of parents who diligently attend Church on days of obligation may or may not continue to do so herself, but at least she knows that that’s what Catholics do; the child of parents who never bother is unlikely to be exposed to the idea that attendance on such days is obligatory, and is likely to reject it as contrary to his experience if he should be exposed to it. Cf. Longenecker, Can you be good without God? (Apr. 24, 2012).
We have a crisis of identity; people are leaving the Church, and, worse yet, some of them don’t even know they’ve done so. (How many times have you heard “I don’t think I have to attend Mass or agree with the Church on X, Y, and Z in order to be a good Catholic”?) To begin addressing this, should we not start by reclaiming our shared identity as a communion of the faithful?
So, what can be done? In the short term, the bishops would do well to reissue and publicize the Pastoral Statement, admonishing the flock that Fridays are penitential days (not optional), that some kind of penance is required (not optional), and that the default penance is abstinence (not optional, but susceptible to substitutions for those for whom abstention is not penitential). The Holy Father has used the term “re-propose,” and it has been adopted in other contexts: I suggest that just as we should re-propose faith ad extra, we should re-propose orthodoxy and tradition ad intra. If we could start by getting back to how things were immediately after the Pastoral Statement was issued, if we could trim the subsequent rot back to the healthy plant, that would be a good start; it would help foster our sense of Catholic Identity. And we should do so with alarm and speed, because right now we are to a great extent living on the inertia and memories of an aging generation who was brought up before the grout was stripped out; at risk of sounding morbid, we really only have until they die to get the grout back in place.
I might go further. A public reintroduction of the Pastoral Statement should, ideally, be prelude to episcopal reconsideration of the Pastoral Statement. Well-intentioned though it was, it has proved to be a poisonous bequeathment. It should be abandoned. The American bishops should revoke it and follow their British brethren in returning abstinence to normative status—there is no reason why the afore-mentioned vegetarians cannot add an additional and appropriate penance—and pastors should catechize and encourage their flocks to return to the practice. We cannot assume any more that Catholics will absorb the grout of Catholic praxis—the grout list and more—from their parents; pastors must guide their flocks, and communities must strengthen one another in elements of communal praxis such as public grace and “fish friday.” It is good for us as individuals; it is good for us as a community; it is good for us as a Church.
Simon’s big picture philosophy of philosophies
Three years ago, I suggested that our two political camps reflect two different psychologies, casting conservatives as turtles and progressives as hares. I want to briefly suggest a view of the same distinction through a different, more philosophical lens.
To be a progressive or a conservative is to take sides—albeit tacitly—on an epistemological question: How much information can individuals obtain, relative to the amount of information one needs to make informed and thus responsible decisions? (This applies especially to individual people, but it holds also for individual generations, cf. Chesterton, Orthodoxy 84-85 (1909).)
If one is highly optimistic about individuals’ capacities to obtain all the information relevant to a decision and perform adequate analysis of it, one will be apt to have great faith in the abilities of individuals employed as planners and managers to direct society. By the same token, the more skeptical one is of those capacities, the less confidence that one will have in the ability of planners. Both of these are compounded as one’s intuition as to the amount of information about potential consequences one believes necessary to an informed decision and the degree to which one is willing to accept the risks of unanticipated consequences.
Conservatives want a greater degree of outcome certainty before allowing individuals to meddle, and we are skeptical about the capacity of individuals to acquire the necessary information, given the dense and often subtle interconnections that tie society together. The upshot is that we prefer incremental change over relatively long periods of time, and are dubious about proposals that empower individuals—especially individuals who are epistemological optimists—to make sweeping decisions.
The democratic fallacy
Periodically, someone will suggest that bishops ought to be elected, and they will place immense weight on the point that bishops were once elected; they are likely to offer a quote (without sourcing) that he who is to govern all should be chosen by all. 1
While it’s true, after a fashion, that bishops were elected at an earlier time (more on this in a minute), the fundamental error of the demand is its presupposition that bishops serve the people of God in a similar manner to that in members of Congress serve their constituents. 2 In a word, it pictures the Church as a democracy. But she is no such thing; bishops are not our representatives to Rome but Christ’s representatives to us. 3 They are our shepherds; we are their flock. 4 Have you ever heard of sheep electing their shepherds?
Quite aside from the structural error just mentioned, there’s a fault in the argument from history. Michael Buckley, SJ, suggests that “[i]t could well have been necessary … that the shape given to the Papal ministry by Gregory VII was dialectically necessary for the freedom of the local church from secular rulers in the electing of its bishops; while now that same centralizing dynamic is weakening the local church through an excessive focus upon the holy see.” 5 He suggests that because the functions of the episcopal-papal relationship are somewhat dynamic, it can simultaneously be true that it was then necessary for the Pope to appoint bishops and that it is now necessary that that power devolve. What this argument misses, however, is that the opposite is no less a valid inference: It could well have been impossible in earlier times for Popes to exercise the power proper to the successor of Peter. It may be that the limits on papal power in centuries past are the problem and that advances in technology—especially transport and telecommunications—have allowed us to perfect that power.
Buckley’s position seems to be (and the historical argument presupposes a somewhat less sophisticated version of it) that the current practice arose as a practical compromise accepted in response to circumstances that no longer obtain, and that we are therefore now free to return to the ideal past practice. It seems far more plausible to me that the prior practice was a practical compromise accepted in response to circumstances that no longer obtain, and that we have subsequently been freed to progress to the current practice. And as Buckley elsewhere recognizes, we can’t safely assume that “the post-apostolic Church was immediately in such full possession of itself, of its own structure, that it immediately asserted (or assented to)” papal primacy. 6
In sum, the notion of electing bishops seems in tension with the basic function and character of the episcopate, as Vatican II explained, and the historical argument at most proves only that bishops can be elected when practical considerations entirely preclude the operation of the normal appointment process.
Notes:
- In the letter to which I replied here, Prof. Swidler’s letter claims it; here’s another example; for an instructive example of the argument in its elaborated form, see Joseph O’Callaghan, Electing our Bishops (2007). ↩
- Cf. LG28. ↩
- LG27; cf. LG8, 14. ↩
- LG18 ff. ↩
- Buckley, Papal Primacy and the Episcopate 50 (1998). ↩
- Id., at 21 (quoting McCue, 25 T.S. 161 (1964)). ↩
An open letter to Prof. Swidler
Dear Len,
I may call you Len, right? (Since you addressed the Holy Father by a familiar diminutive of his birth name in a public letter, I shall consider formality to be ceded ground.) Anyway, your letter has some problems. I’m just going to get out The Red Pen—as a professor, I’m sure you’re familiar with it—and dig straight in.
Dear Joe [“Most Holy Father” if you please!],
Some years back when you were still the head of the Holy Office (“of the Sacred Inquisition” is, as you know, stilled chiseled in stone over its dark building [Len, you seem to have mistaken the yellow offices of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith for Barad-dûr. Are you hoping that the casual reader will infer that the CDF is the kind of organization that lurks in buildings susceptible to the adjective "dark"—will think of dungeons, the KGB, the Tal Shiar, and so on? Perhaps. But all you've done is to convey within your first sentence that this is an op/ed in epistolar form, not an open letter. Your real audience is the man in the street, who might be taken in by that description, not the Holy Father, who, as you know, won't be.
Moreover, if you’re proposing to rebuke people for preconciliar sympathies, it would seem an odd play to address the CDF by its preconciliar title. As you and I know—but as the man in the street at whom you have told us this op/ed is really directed will likely not—the Holy Office was renamed the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith by Paul VI’s December 1965 Motu Proprio Integræ Servandæ. And as you and I also know, it was never called (as you imply, although you artfully avoid saying it outright) "the Holy Office of the Sacred Inquisition." (Until 1908 it was called the Supreme Sacred Congregation of the Universal Roman Inquisition, at which time St. Piux X’s Apostolic Constitution Sapienti Consilio renamed it to the “Congregation of the Holy Office.”) Look, Len: I understand. I really do. You want the casual reader to know that they should regard the CDF, and Card. Ratzinger by association, as the bad guys, and what better way to do it than by letting readers know, with the professorial subtlety of a tarantula on a marshmallow, that the congregation is the heir to the inquisition? I'm just saying that it doesn't work. The man in the street doesn't care, and for those of us who know better, it just makes you seem conniving, disrespectful, and manipulative. You've thrown away any goodwill for which you might have hoped—and the epistolar disguise—in your opening sentence. And for what?] immediately next to St. Peter’s square) I wrote you an open letter concerning the role of women in the Catholic Church. [No prizes for guessing what that letter said, right?] …
I am disturbed that[,] especially of late[,] you have been giving signals that are in opposition to the words and spirit of Vatican Council II [If I may, Len, my experience with those who rely on the “spirit” of Vatican Council II is that they have only the vaguest what the council's documents say, and their impression of its spirit coincides with their own preferences. In other words, the council is used as a sock puppet. One of the best indicators that a person is referring to this ersatz council rather than the actual council, the "historical Vatican II," is that they give no specifics, and I notice that after the preceding sentence, instead of fleshing out the point, you simply move on. Never mind mere sock puppetry: That seems more like using the council as artillery: Invoke it (vaguely), hurl it at the enemy, and move on.], during which you as a leading young theologian helped to move our beloved Catholic Church out of the Middle Ages into Modernity. [Owing you fraternal candor, I must tell you that anyone who would characterize the preconciliar Church as an artifact of the middle ages has no real love for the Catholic Church, and a person who fetishizes “modernity” is flirting with idolatry.] Further, while a professor at our Alma Mater University of Tübingen, you, along with the rest of your colleagues of the Catholic Theology faculty, publicly advocated 1) the election of bishops by their constituents, and 2) limited term of office of bishops (see the book Democratic Bishops for the Roman Catholic Church). [I doubt that this is correct, but even if it is, it proves nothing and reminds us of nothing more than the fact that young men generally lack the wisdom that comes from age and perspective.]
Now you are publicly rebuking loyal Catholic priests for doing precisely what you earlier had so nobly advocated. [Note the distinction: It is one thing to advocate the doing of something. It is something else entirely to actively and disobediently press ahead and do it. Indeed, there are even distinctions to be drawn within the former: Context matters, and academic discussion is not the same as rabble-rousing, just as private and public dissent are not equivalent.] They, and many, many others across the universal Catholic Church, are following your youthful example, trying desperately to move our beloved Mother Church further into Modernity. [Lenny, they are trying to conform the Church to the spirit of this age. That is not a boon; it is not wise; it is not Christian (cf. Rom 12:2). It is, and they are, desperately misguided.] I deliberately use the word “desperately,” for in your own homeland, Germany, and elsewhere in Europe, the churches are empty [And how was attendance before Vatican II and the destruction wrought fraudulently in its name in the following decades, Len? Even if it was true that Benedict is trying to go back to the days before the council, which he is not, I don’t think you would profit from a truthful and honest examination of the desirability of such a move.], and also are so many Catholic hearts when they hear the chilling words [the gospel is “chilling”? The exercise of the petrine ministry within its wheelhouse is "chilling"?] coming from Rome and the “radically obedient” (read: “yes-men”) bishops. In my own homeland, America, the birthplace of modern freedom, human rights, and democracy, we have lost—in this generation alone!—one third of our Catholic population, 30,000,000, because the Vatican II promises of its five-fold Copernican Turn (the turn toward 1. freedom, 2. this world, 3. a sense of history, 4. internal reform, and above all, 5. dialogue) have all been so deliberately dashed by your predecessor, and now increasingly by you. [Do you really believe this poppycock? Do you really believe that the collapse in American Catholicism can be attributed to what (for sake of argument we can stipulate) wasn’t done to implement the council rather than what was done in its name? Do you really believe that people left because they hoped for more change than they got? The patient was healthy; the surgery was carried out; the patient died. Is the fault in the surgeon not going far enough? I think that it’s far more plausible that the changes that were carried out drove some people away and did such harm to the faith that many more fell away over the course of successively diluted generations.]
. . . .
An instructive companion piece might be this one, from Robert Royal, which urges those who have already become protestants in fact—I call them “sixth sense catholics”: they don’t know they’re protestants!—to become such in name. To come out of the closet, in other words. I think they might be happier if they did.
Post facto:
MP: The democratic fallacy (May 1, 2012)
Sr. Le Fer on the habit
On August 16, 1853, Irma le Fer, Sister St. Francis Xavier, SP, sent “word of joy and happiness”: Her sister Elvire had become doubly a sister, joining the Sisters of Providence as Sister Mary Joseph. “has received the Holy Habit; she has laid aside the garments of the world to clothe herself with the livery of Jesus poor and despised. You would have wept for joy to see her, so modest and pure, at the foot of the altar.” Clementine de la Corbinière, Life and Letters of Sister St. Francis Xavier 346 (1934). 143 years later, as the postconciliar chaos finally began to recede, the Holy Father exhorted religious to be “true signs of Christ in the world,” living in a manner that “presen[s]t itself as a living sign of God and as an eloquent, albeit often silent, proclamation of the Gospel. The Church must always seek to make her presence visible in everyday life, especially in contemporary culture, which is often very secularized and yet sensitive to the language of signs.” And because “the habit is a sign of consecration, poverty and membership in a particular Religious family,”
he joined “the Fathers of the Synod in strongly recommending to men and women religious that they wear their proper habit….” Vita consecrata, no. 25 88 AAS 377, 398-99 (JP2, Postsyn. Ap. Ex. 1996) (emphases in original).
What do you suppose that Sr. Le Fer would make of today’s religious who have set aside the livery of Jesus to clothe themselves with the garments of the world?
Milestones
The Holy Father turns 85 today; three days hence, on April 19th, he will begin the eighth year of his pontificate.
℣. Oremus pro pontifice nostro Benedicto XVI, qui hodie LXXXV est!
℟. Dominus conservet eum, et vivificet eum, et beatum faciat eum in terra, et non tradat eum in animam inimicorum eius.
℣. Fiat manus tua super virum dexteræ tuæ.
℟. Et super filium tuum quia confirmasti tibi.
Deus, omnium fidelium pastor et rector, famulum tuum Benedictum, quem pastorem Ecclesiae tuae praeesse voluisti, propitius respice: da ei, quaesumus, verbo et exemplo, quibus praeest, proficere: ut ad vitam, una cum grege sibi credito, perveniat sempiternam. Per Christum, Dominum nostrum. Amen.




